Turkey, BRICS and a multipolar world order

With the rise of regional powers, policymakers will soon have no choice but to recognize that their values are not universal.

While a minority of the world clashes, countries comprising two thirds of the global population work to shape a multipolar order that offers them greater influence and autonomy.

Turkey has applied for membership in BRICS, an association initially comprised of five major emerging economies: Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. These countries are all leading economies on their respective continents. At the beginning of this year, four additional states joined the organization: Iran, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Ethiopia and Egypt. Saudi Arabia was also invited, though it has not yet officially joined.

Turkey’s application was met with immediate criticism. Many questioned how a NATO member could join BRICS. However, the White House clarified that this is not a NATO issue, as NATO is solely a defense alliance.

Moving away from the Pax Americana

BRICS is a relatively informal group that seeks to offer an alternative to the global order established after World War II, which has been largely led by the United States. This post-war order, formed during the bipolar paradigm of the Cold War (U.S. vs. Soviet Union), created a foundation for the free world, especially benefiting Western Europe under the “Pax Americana.” The military protection provided by the U.S., primarily through NATO, guaranteed European freedom, while the dollar-based economic system and Bretton Woods institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund helped with reconstruction and development. America’s political and economic generosity played a critical role in stabilizing the free world.

Many regional powers are becoming more assertive and are no longer willing to align with hegemonic systems, whether they are unipolar or bipolar.

BRICS, unfortunately under China’s leadership, aims to establish similar financial institutions and, in particular, seeks to create a monetary system that challenges the current global dominance of the U.S. dollar.

In the 1970s, the G7 was formed, consisting of the then largest democratic economies – the U.S., United Kingdom, Japan, France, Germany, Italy and Canada – to ensure global economic stability. The EU now also participates, and Australia is considered a close ally. This “enlarged G7,” often referred to as “the West,” sees itself as a bulwark of democratic values and has evolved into a political instrument. While the G7 set global economic standards for many years, its own economic discipline has started to falter. Now, it faces a systemic and, at times, open conflict with an authoritarian bloc represented by countries like Russia, China, Iran, North Korea, and their dependents, such as Belarus.

In the 20th century, these two blocs held the bulk of global economic and military power, as well as a significant portion of the world’s population. However, this is rapidly changing. Birth rates are declining in all Western countries, as well as in China and Russia.

The emerging world now accounts for more than two-thirds of the global population, which is continuing to grow. These countries also hold humanity’s most valuable resource – young people.

Many regional powers are becoming more assertive and are no longer willing to align with hegemonic systems, whether they are unipolar or bipolar. They are pushing for a multipolar world order that better reflects today’s realities.

China is seeking greater influence through initiatives like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and the Belt and Road Initiative, as well as by increasing its representation in global organizations such as the World Health Organization. Through BRICS, China’s main goal is likely to strengthen regional powers, but its primary interest is in building financial institutions to create an alternative monetary and financial system.

However, while other BRICS members, such as India, may hope to benefit from increased monetary and financial competition, they are unlikely to want to end up in the “Chinese camp.” Some are even in direct conflict with China.

Several middle powers, like Indonesia (the fourth most populous country in the world) and Vietnam, are building regional alliances like the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Most ASEAN countries cooperate on defense with each other and some with the U.S., although China remains their primary trade and investment partner.

New roles for regional powers

Turkey has been, and will continue to be, a strong and loyal defense partner of the West within NATO. However, as a dominant regional power in the Eastern Mediterranean, the Middle East, the Black Sea and the Caucasus regions, it has responsibilities and interests that do not always align with those of Washington or European capitals.

Ankara follows a pragmatic regional strategy, balancing assertiveness with cooperation. This approach can serve as a model for the role a regional power can play in a multipolar world order.

More by Prince Michael of Liechtenstein

The West must strive to protect its systems, which guarantee individual freedom and uphold democratic structures and the rule of law. However, it is time for Western policymakers to recognize the new global reality. They must understand that their strategies and values may not be universally accepted. Europe, in particular, must acknowledge that in this new world, it needs to strengthen its competitiveness in areas like the economy, business and defense, while maintaining the vital North Atlantic relationship with the U.S.

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